Sunday, February 8, 2026

The Garita (Sari-Sari Store): A Quiet Nexus of Neighborhood Trade

 The Garita (Sari-Sari Store): A Quiet Nexus of Neighborhood Trade


In the towns and barrios of Pangasinan, the garita (sari-sari store) has long stood as a place of neighborhood trade. Modest in scale yet immense in meaning, it is a quiet witness to everyday life—an enduring fixture where memory, community, and survival gently converge.

Historically, the traditional sari-sari store emerged in Pangasinan during the early to mid-twentieth century, coinciding with the expansion of road networks and the gradual commercialization of agricultural communities. Typically constructed of wood and situated adjacent to family dwellings, these stores were strategically placed along main roads, poblacion streets, or near communal spaces such as schools, chapels, and markets. Their architectural form was utilitarian, featuring open counters, wooden shelves, and wide windows designed to facilitate easy access and visual interaction between the storekeeper and customers.

The old garita, like the one captured in the photograph, carries the unmistakable character of mid-twentieth-century provincial life. Its wooden façade, weathered by sun and rain, speaks of years spent standing faithfully by the roadside. Hand-painted advertisements for soft drinks and household goods adorn its walls, reflecting an era when commerce was simple, personal, and grounded in trust. Bottles of soda are neatly arranged behind the counter, their glass surfaces catching the light, promising small delights to children and weary passersby alike.

Typically a family business, every member has a hand in its operation, thus hard work, honesty, and devotion to kin are business prerequisites.

In Pangasinan, as in other provinces in the country, the sari-sari store has always been a social space. It is where neighbors pause to exchange news, where elders sit on wooden benches to recall stories of the past, and where children line up with a few centavos clutched tightly in their hands. Here, one learns the rhythm of community life: the familiar greeting, the friendly bargaining, the quiet understanding between the managlako (tindera or proprietor) and suki (repeat customer). Utang (debt) is recorded not merely in notebooks, but in relationships built over years of mutual respect.

According to Dr. Mauro Nepomuceno, who came from a family of manag-garita in Sta. Barbara town, the word used for "utang" or "credit" since the 1950s up to maybe the 1970s was "vale." The "vale," he noted, "often came with a promissory note, a piece of paper on which the items bought were written and the list was signed by the suki."

"The suki was usually a monthly salaried fellow or 'pensionado,' that is why they paid during "katapusan" or end of the month--with no interest at all."

The promissory note, he further noted, served as the document that the suki's representative had to "saka" to be able to procure the day's needs, thus the term "sakada," which evolved to mean to buy wholesale at the grocery store or supermarket for retail sale back at the garita or sari-sari store. 

This discreet arrangement rests upon the loyalty of the customer to his or her preferred garita in a given area.

"Speaking from experience," added Nepomuceno, "as our family owned a 'garita' in the early 1960s until we shifted to an agricultural supply store later, the 'vale' practice went on, so that our poultry, livestock and rice field supply store practically owned all the backyard endeavors in the town (ours was the only agricultural store in Santa Barbara for decades), our customers paying their "vales" when they sold their produce months later."

Trust, loyalty, and "palavra de honor" (word of honor) kept the garita going.

"No customer in debt was "matiwer" o "mairap a manbayar" (hard to "singil" or charge for the credit made)." 

"Wala ray suki mi ya abankrupt ta apeste ray piggery (hog cholera) o poultry (avian pest) da. Isakripisiyo dan ibayar so panpasaheron jeep da ed baing da anggano lugaran mo ran aga singilen, kanian wala'y bekta/panaon ya walay luluganan min bigla!" he shared. (We had customers who went bankrupt after their piggery and poultry was ruined by infestation. They sacrificed the jeepney they operated as transport business as payment, out of shame even if you were considerate with them, that is why we were able to have a four-wheel ride all of a sudden.)

More than convenience, the sari-sari store represents resilience. The family-owned and home-based business provides sustenance in times of scarcity and stability amid uncertainty. Through wars, floods, and economic changes, these small stores adapted—selling what was needed by residents for the day, i.e., in tingi (retail) proportions, when it was needed most. In rural Pangasinan, they bridged the distance between households and town centers, ensuring that daily necessities were always within reach.

Today, as modern establishments rise and lifestyles change, the traditional sari-sari store remains a symbol of rootedness. It reminds us of a time when life moved at a gentler pace, when commerce was personal, and when the heart of the community could be found in the simplest of places.

The sari-sari store is merely a small shop, but it is also a living tradition of local trade and economic culture—humble, enduring, and quietly essential. In its small window and wooden counter lies the story of a country people bound together by shared spaces, shared memories, and a deep sense of belonging.

***

Garita: The Traditional Sari-Sari Store of Pangasinan:

A Socio-Cultural and Economic Heritage of Provincial Life

The sari-sari store is a significant vernacular institution in the province of Pangasinan, representing a long-standing tradition of small-scale commerce deeply embedded in everyday community life. Though modest in structure and function, it holds considerable cultural value as a tangible expression of social interaction, economic resilience, and collective memory in rural and semi-urban settings.

Historically, the traditional sari-sari store emerged in Pangasinan during the early to mid-twentieth century, coinciding with the expansion of road networks and the gradual commercialization of agricultural communities. Typically constructed of wood and situated adjacent to family dwellings, these stores were strategically placed along main roads, poblacion streets, or near communal spaces such as schools, chapels, and markets. Their architectural form was utilitarian, featuring open counters, wooden shelves, and wide windows designed to facilitate easy access and visual interaction between the storekeeper and customers.

The photograph reflects the characteristic features of sari-sari stores of this period. Prominently displayed commercial signages—particularly those advertising bottled beverages—illustrate the early integration of global and national consumer products into local economies. Glass bottles arranged behind the counter, wooden benches outside the store, and the presence of customers of varying ages collectively demonstrate the store’s dual function as both a commercial and social space. Transactions were often informal and relational, with systems of credit (utang) operating on mutual trust and long-term familiarity rather than contractual obligation.

Beyond its economic role, the sari-sari store functioned as an important site of social exchange. It served as a venue where community members gathered to share news, discuss local affairs, and sustain interpersonal relationships. Children learned early lessons in responsibility and value through small purchases, while adults reinforced social cohesion through everyday encounters. In this sense, the sari-sari store contributed to the maintenance of social order and cultural continuity within Pangasinan communities.

The sari-sari store also reflects the adaptive strategies of households in response to changing socio-economic conditions. Often managed by women, it provided supplementary income while allowing owners to remain within the domestic sphere. Its ability to persist through periods of economic hardship, natural calamities, and shifting market structures underscores its role as a resilient micro-institution within the local economy.

In the contemporary context, while larger retail establishments and convenience stores have altered consumption patterns, the traditional sari-sari store remains a recognizable and meaningful presence in many parts of Pangasinan. It stands as a tangible reminder of community-based commerce and the values of trust, proximity, and social responsibility.

As a cultural heritage element, the sari-sari store may be classified as tangible movable and immovable heritage, as well as associated intangible heritage due to the practices, values, and social relationships it sustains. Its documentation and preservation are essential in understanding the historical development of Pangasinan communities and in safeguarding everyday cultural expressions that define local identity.

The Ermita (Barangay/Sitio/Purok Chapel): A Little House of Faith in the Heart of the Village

The Ermita (Barangay/Sitio/Purok Chapel): A Little House of Faith in the Heart of the Village

In the center of most barangays in Bayambang, Pangasinan, typically stands an ermita—a small chapel whose simplicity mirrors the humble yet steadfast faith of the community it serves.

Essentially a barangay chapel, an ermita is a religious structure that is a spiritual anchor woven into everyday life. Resembling a bungalow in form, the typical ermita rises to modest heights and has equally modest proportions. Though its architecture may appear domestic, its sacred purpose is unmistakably marked by the presence of crosses above the doorway and often depictions of the Way of the Cross along its sides, affirming its role as a dwelling place of prayer.

Since its construction in ___, this ermita in Brgy. Inirangan has stood as an enduring emblem of the community’s unwavering devotion.

The chapel stands on a lot donated by Mr. Simeon Bondoc. The original chapel, which was a lot smaller in size, was built under the leadership of Mrs. Marciana Mabanglo Bondoc. Later, her daughter Loretta Bondoc Santos led the solicitation campaign to fund the purchase of other needs such as chairs and statues.

A large St. Vincent statue was donated by Mrs. Virginia Terrado Quiambao, while the other statues were donated by the Santos family's friends and relatives. The roof was donated by former mayor Cezar T. Quiambao in 2016.

Through decades of social change, it has remained a constant reminder of how deeply the people of Inirangan value their faith, while keeping a devotion to their patron, San Vicente Ferrer, notably the same patron as the town's. Within its walls, generations have gathered to offer prayers, celebrate Mass, and honor their Lord and their patron saint. It is here that personal petitions mingle with collective thanksgiving, binding individual lives into a shared spiritual narrative.

This site of worship also functions as a communal space where faith and fellowship converge. Religious gatherings, though irregular, dependent on the availability of a priest, not only deepen spiritual commitment but also strengthen the bonds among residents. In moments of joy and sorrow alike, the ermita continues to nurture both belief and belonging, affirming its place as a living heritage of devotion and unity in the barangay.

To date, three former ermitas in Bayambang have since become sister parishes of their mother parish, the Santuario de San Vicente Ferrer. These are the erstwhile ermitas of Brgy. Wawa, Brgy. Sapang, and Brgy. Carungay.

Original mappers: BNHS students (original mapping form missing)
Informant/Photos: Jocelyn Santos Espejo

Saturday, February 7, 2026

Bayambang, Dapat Alam Mo - Pangasinan Words and Expressions for Love

Bayambang, Dapat Alam Mo - Pangasinan Words and Expressions for Love


Bayambang, dapat alam mo na ang salitang love sa Pangasinan na aro ay dalawa ang pakahulugan, tulad ng salitang ibig sa Tagalog: love at friend.


Kaaro means friend, at inaro means love interest.


Bayambang, alam mo ba na marami tayong idiomatic expressions sa salitang Pangasinan pagdating sa aro, love, o pag-ibig?


Dumako muna tayo sa friendship:


Bali-bali'y aroan da (they have beautiful loving relationship) - they have a good relationship 


Malmalet ya kaaro (sturdy friend, matibay na kaibigan) - die-hard, trusted, or close friend


Singa nansuldungay pait da. (looks like their intestines are connected) - malapit na magkaibigan; bosom friend 


Pagdating naman sa love:


Abangles ya panangaro (spoiled love) - pagmamahal na di naipagtapat


Aroa’y pato (duck love) - away-bati; love-hate relationship


Aro'y bakes (monkey love) - salawahang puso


Agto nabitla'y agat (can’t pronounce 'ginger') - sobrang torpe 


Singa no aso'y San Roque (like St. Roch's dog) - palaging naghahabol


Singa no ra nagigilata. (Para silang nilalanggam.) - Ang sweet-sweet nila. 


Mayroon naman tayong at least apat na nakakatuwang idioms para sa malapit nang ikasal:


Makak-ka-bawang la. (The aroma of garlic is in the air.) 

Asingger tilan makailop na digo. (Malapit na tayong makahigop ng sabaw.)

Natabaan lamet so bibil. (Mamamantikaan na naman ang labi.)

Wala'y andukey ya lamisaan. (May mahabang hapag-kainan.)


Kayo, ano pa ba ang idioms na alam niyo patungkol sa love?


***


Samantala, ayon sa manunulang Pangasinense na si Santiago Villafania, mayroong pitong matalinghaga na salitang Pangasinan na ginagamit noon pagdating sa pag-ibig:


1. aro (love, admiration, attraction; also used to mean "friend") 

2. pabli (dear; pinabli, beloved; pablien, give due respect)

3. piaet (ambition, wish, desire, hope) 

4. gunaet (dream, illusion, vision) 

5. tindek (aspiration) 

6. pilalek (ambition, wish, desire) 

7. tamitam (desire, urge, hope) 

 

Ang mga ito ay sumasalamin lamang sa kung gaano kayaman ng ating sariling wikang Pangasinan, at kung gaano kalalim at kalawak umibig at magmahal ang mga Pangasinense.


Ang lahat ng ito, Bayambang, ay dapat alam mo!

Ang Basura ay Hindi Basura Lang

Ang Basura ay Hindi Basura Lang

Ang laki ng impact nung bagong abiso ng DENR na ang mga barangay na raw ang bahala sa mga nabubulok na basura ng mga residente.

Ibig sabihin nito, hindi na kokolektahin ng mga munisipyo ang mga nabubulok o compostable material. Mga plastik at kalakal na lamang.

Ineencourage ang lahat na gumawa ng compost pit.

Nice on paper--and great for the environment.

Pero kaya bang iimplement ng mga barangay at kabahayan nang agad-agaran?

Sa nakikita ko so far, madali-dali ito sa mga baryo-baryo o barangay na may malalawak na open field.

Pero sa mga urban area, hindi. Lalo na kung marami kang nabubulok na kitchen refuse o may mga puno ka na may maraming dahon na naglalaglagan--at walang mapaglagakan.

Naiipon ang mga ito hanggang sa umalingasaw, maging gabundok sa dami, at maging peligroso sa sunog. Hindi lahat ng urban barangay at sambahayan kayang idagdagag sa trabaho nila ang pagmanage ng basura. Pano kung puro senior o PWD ang mga nakatira? O sobrang busy sa trabaho? O kulang sa resources?

Napipilitan tuloy magsunog ang mga tao kahit bawal ito.

Ngayon, nababasa ko lately ang planong baguhin ang batas to allow some degree of incineration. Mabuti naman, basta regulated at within allowable limits.

At napag-alaman ko na kung 'di kakayanin ng barangay ang waste collection at disposal ng mga nabubulok, maaari itong magrequest sa munisipyo upang ang problema ay magawan ng paraan.

***

Medyo kumplikado pala ang isyu ng pamamahala ng basura. Kailangan ng talino at diskarte o creativity. Kailangang pag-isipang maigi at pagplanuhan.

***

Dahil dito, biglang inimagine ko na ilagay ang sarili ko sa sitwasyon ng mga "basurero."

Nakita ko bigla na matrabaho at nakakapagod ang pagproseso ng gabundok na basura na nakokolekta sa araw-araw, at magastos ang pagdispose nito. Bukod pa rito ang banta sa kalusugan ng exposure sa basura.

Kapag wala sila, pano na tayong lahat? Saan tayo pupulutin?

Kapag naipon ang ating basura at walang magtatapon nito, mabubulok at mangangamoy ang mga ito. Mag-aattract ito ng sari-saring peste at mikrobyo. Dahil dito, maaari tayong madapuan ng iba't ibang sakit dala ng ipis, bangaw, daga... Maaari rin tayong ma-asthma o mahirapang huminga dahil sa plema dulot ng mga spores ng fungi o chemical gas emissions.

Babaho at aalingasaw ang ating kuwarto, bahay, kapitbahayan, o kapaligiran. Papangit din ang mga ito dahil sa mga kalat na 'di kanais-nais tingnan. Kahit gusto mo na 'estetik' at plantita shop ang paligid mo, tiyak na magmumukhang junk shop ito. Maiistress ka ng husto kung dugyot ang paligid mo. Masisira ang aurahan mo!

Kapag 'di naman tayo nag-segregate ng basura, mahihirapan ang mga taga-ESWMO na paghiwa-hiwalayin ang mga ito, para maibukod ang mga nabubulok na basura upang dumaan sa composting at gawing organic fertilizer. Nagbibigay tayo ng sakit ng ulo sa iba.

Kapag bumili naman tayo sa tindahan ng kahit ano, at itinapon ang mga bote o balat na plastik sa kalsada at kung saan-saan, siguradong kakalat ito sa daan, babara sa mga drainage, at magdudulot ng baha sa ating lugar, o mandadamay pa sa kapitbahay, o maging sa barangay na malayo sa 'tin ngunit dadaanan ng agos ng tubig sa mas mababang lugar.

***

Di 'ko talaga makalimutan yung experience ko nung minsan ay nagpunta ako sa Boracay (para magcover ng turismo doon). Para kong napunta sa paraiso. Pero sirang-sira ang araw ko nang makakita ako ng isang bag ng chips sa may beach habang sarap na sarap sa pagtatampisaw. "Sino kayang impakto ang may gawa nito?" sabi ko. Either hindi naturuan ng tamang asal sa bahay nung bata, o sobrang baba ng tingin sa lugar para gawing personal na trash can niya ito. (Sabi nung mga taga-run, yung mga taga-Maynila raw.)

***

Taun-taon, milyon-milyon din ang ginagastos ng mga LGU para lang mailigpit ng maayos ang kalat nating lahat. Kailangan ng mga taong mangungulekta, mga eksperto sa composting, mamahaling equipment, mga garbage truck, sasakyan, atbp. Pinakamalaking gastos ang pagrenta sa mga managed landfill. Saan kaya pupulutin ang perang kakailanganin ng lahat ng ito? Eh di sa kabang-yaman ng bayan: sa buwis mo, buwis ko, at buwis nating lahat. ...Pera na sana'y napunta na sa healthcare, agrikultura, imprastraktura.

***

Ang basura ay hindi "basura LANG." Malaki ang impact nito sa ating pang-araw-araw na buhay. May 'di birong epekto ito sa buhay ko at buhay mo at sa buhay ng iba na maaapektuhan natin sa 'di natin pagsasaayos ng kalat o pagtatapon ng maayos.

Hindi porke't hindi natin nakikita kung saan napupunta ang ating basura sa araw-araw, it means hindi na natin ito problema.

Tama pala ang sabi nung palatastas noong araw: "Ang basurang itinapon mo (nang di maayos) ay babalik din sa yo." Kaya dapat, "Clean as you go" at "Tapat ko, Linis ko."

Di tayo puwedeng maging in denial o magbulag-bulagan sa basura. 'Di natin afford ito. Lahat tayo apektado.

Mahalaga rin na mahalin natin ang sariling atin, ang sariling tahanan natin.

Okay lang to seek greener pastures abroad. Tama yun, kung 'di naman tayo nakakaluwag-luwag sa buhay. Pero sana ituring din natin na sariling tahanan at sariling paraiso kung nasaan man tayo, dahil malay natin -- sa buhay natin ay ito na yun at dito na talaga tayo itinalaga.

Oo, basura lang ang usapan, pero ang layo ng sinasabi o pakahulugan nito sa kung paano natin ito idispose o itapon. Kung ano ang ating pagkatao at kung gaano kababa ang turing natin sa ating sarili at sa iba.

Sana huwag nating maliitin ang sarili natin, ang iba, o ang sinuman. O ang ating sariling barangay o sariling bayan, lalo na. Dahil ito ay hindi isang basurahan.

Waway Hat-Making: A Living Tradition of Craft, Community, and Creativity in Barangay Maigpa

Waway Hat-Making: A Living Tradition of Craft, Community, and Creativity in Barangay Maigpa

In Barangay Maigpa, Bayambang, Pangasinan, the term “waway” refers to a locally made hat, known elsewhere in Filipino as sombrero or in English as fisherman's hat. More than a simple head covering, the waway stands as a cultural product deeply rooted in the community’s shared history, livelihood, and identity. It is a seasonal craft, most in demand during the summer months and the Christmas season, when protection from the sun and festive travel increases its marketability. During these periods, many women in the barangay devote themselves to sewing waway, turning skill and tradition into a vital source of income.
The distinctive name waway carries a cultural story of its own. It was inspired by the 1993 Filipino film “Alyas Waway,” starring Cesar Montano. In the movie, the lead actor wore a hat strikingly similar to the one produced by the residents of Maigpa. Drawn by this resemblance, the community adopted the name, embedding popular culture into local craftsmanship and giving the product a unique and memorable identity.
The making of a waway is a careful and skill-driven process that combines traditional knowledge with practical craftsmanship. The materials used include scissors, thread, needles, sewing machines, ringun (denim fabric), and twill — commonly used for slacks and valued for its durability. Production begins with the precise creation of a pattern, followed by matching and cutting the fabrics according to the design. The raw pieces are then sewn together, assembled, and reinforced, particularly at the brim, to ensure both strength and comfort. Each finished hat reflects patience, accuracy, and the maker’s familiarity with the craft.
Historically, waway-making has been woven into the daily lives of Maigpa’s residents since 1973, when the craft was introduced by Mr. and Mrs. Datuin. From that time onward, the practice steadily grew, passed on through hands-on teaching and shared labor. What began as a household endeavor gradually evolved into a recognized barangay industry.
Economically, the waway serves as a primary source of livelihood for many local sewers. The hats produced in Maigpa have reached markets far beyond Bayambang, including Isabela, Cubao, Baguio City, and Kalinga, demonstrating the product’s wide appeal and the community’s entrepreneurial spirit.
Aesthetically, the waway holds its place in the fashion landscape as both a functional and stylish accessory. Consumers value it not only for comfort and protection but also for its simple yet adaptable design, allowing it to remain relevant despite changing trends.
Socially, the craft has strengthened community bonds within Barangay Maigpa. The teaching of sewing skills fosters cooperation, mentorship, and collective problem-solving. Residents regularly exchange ideas on improving production techniques and expanding the business. Pioneers such as Mr. Hilario Datuin have played a crucial role in passing the craft to the younger generation, ensuring its continuity. Meanwhile, advocates like Mrs. Helen Vinluan actively promote the waway beyond the barangay, helping introduce this local heritage to other parts of the Philippines.
Today, the waway endures not merely as a product, but as a living cultural expression—one that reflects the resilience, creativity, and unity of the people of Barangay Maigpa. Through every stitch and seam, the story of the community continues to be told, worn proudly by those who value tradition shaped by time and shared labor.
Culture Mappers: Bayambang National High School Students (names missing from document); Adviser: Mr. Christopher Gozum

Sangalubungan (Lamplighters’ Park): A Curiosity in Brgy. Ataynan

 Sangalubungan (Lamplighters’ Park): A Curiosity in Brgy. Ataynan

Sangalubungan, also known as the Lamplighters’ Park, is a small park located in Brgy. Ataynan, Bayambang, Pangasinan. A landscaped park, it serves as a sacred communal space for the Lamplighters—a non-sectarian group bound by principles of peace, unity, and reverence for nature. The site reflects a harmonious integration of natural elements, spiritual philosophy, and collective memory.
Physical Description
Upon entering Sangalubungan, visitors are welcomed by a modest bamboo rest house. Inscribed on its front wall are texts and writings attributed to the Lamplighters and their founder, setting a contemplative tone for the space. Beyond the rest house, two pathways branch to the left and right, divided by a landscaped median filled with carefully arranged plants and trees.
Along the left pathway stands a structure used by the Lamplighters for meetings and lectures. In front of this structure is a pond, accessible by steps descending toward the water and ascending back to the main path. Further into the park rises a gentle hill densely planted with various flora, serving as a natural backdrop to a small stage area. At the base of the hill are rectangular seats arranged to accommodate gatherings and reflections.
In front of the stage stands an old wishing well, accompanied by a small bridge that adds to the site’s rustic charm. On the left side of the stage towers a centennial acacia tree, a silent witness to decades of communal activity, with a simple shed built beside it. Throughout the park, diverse plant arrangements and the presence of old and century-old trees contribute to its artistic character and tranquil atmosphere.
Historical Background
Sangalubungan was established in the 1970s as the gathering place of the Lamplighters of Ataynan, Bayambang Chapter. The Lamplighters is a non-religious, non-sectarian group founded on July 24, 1948, in Long Beach, California by Father Eleuterio J. Tropa, a retired United States Navy officer who later became the group’s General Director.
The park was built specifically to serve as a venue for the Lamplighters’ processions, lectures, and communal assemblies — not only for the Ataynan chapter but also for visiting Lamplighters from other areas. Members refer to one another as “brothers and sisters,” or kakabsat in Ilokano, reflecting their emphasis on kinship and equality.
Central to their belief is the guiding principle “Love one another.” The founder’s teachings also speak of moral vigilance and spiritual preparedness, underscoring the group’s reflective way of life. Their deep respect for nature is evident in the park’s abundant vegetation. As a pro-nature community, the Lamplighters intentionally preserved and cultivated trees, plants, and animal life within Sangalubungan.
One of the group’s distinctive practices is walking barefoot within the grounds and sporting long hair. This tradition stems from their belief that humans are born without footwear, symbolizing humility and a direct connection to the earth. The Lamplighters uphold a clear mission and vision rooted in being non-violent, non-racial, non-political, and non-sectarian, fostering inclusivity and peaceful coexistence.
Cultural Beliefs and Intangible Elements
Local residents and informants recount beliefs that Sangalubungan is inhabited by unseen elements or spirits, particularly within its century-old trees. These narratives, passed on through oral tradition, contribute to the site’s mystique and reinforce its reputation as a place of quiet reverence. The stillness of the surroundings and the sense of peace experienced by visitors further strengthen these beliefs.
Significance of the Site
Sangalubungan holds historical significance as a long-standing center of activity for the Lamplighters in Bayambang. It also bears aesthetic value through its careful landscaping and preservation of natural features. Socially and spiritually, the park functions as a space for fellowship, reflection, and communal learning, embodying the group’s core values of love, simplicity, and respect for nature.
Today, Sangalubungan remains a serene sanctuary—one that stands as a testament to the group's commitment to peace, environmental stewardship, and shared humanity.
Profilers / Mappers: Camille DC. Viernes, Niño Shane H. Layug, Gerald Claveria, Kim Airiesh Valdez, Jim Carlo Lopez
Date Profiled: September 23, 2018
Adviser: Mr. Christopher Gozum, Bayambang National High School

Panagbaswit: A Traditional Bird-Catching Practice in Barangay Reynado

 Panagbaswit: A Traditional Bird-Catching Practice in Barangay Reynado

Panagbaswit is an indigenous bird-trapping practice in Barangay Reynado, Bayambang, Pangasinan that reflects the community’s traditional knowledge of nature and wildlife behavior. Passed down through generations, this practice demonstrates the resourcefulness and skill of local residents in utilizing simple, locally sourced materials to sustain their livelihood and social traditions.
At the heart of panagbaswit is the baswit, a traditional trapping device crafted from bamboo. One end of the bamboo is thinned to allow it to bend, to which a string is securely tied. This bent section is then carefully set in place using a smaller bamboo piece, approximately seven to eight inches long, whose ends are anchored into the ground to form a subtle arc. The trap is designed with precision and patience, relying on the hunter’s understanding of the pigeons’ movements and natural habits.
Economically, panagbaswit provides supplementary income for families in the community. Birds caught through this method are often sold in local markets or shared with neighbors, while some are prepared as food for household consumption.
Note: Salaret or salarek is another Pangasinan term for maybe another sort of bird trap. I wonder if this one is the same as baswit.
Culture Mappers: Bayambang National High School Students